In past redistricting periods, many US states failed to redraw their congressional districts even though new demographic information becomes available every ten years through the US Census. The result was that electoral maps often did not reflect large-scale changes in population, race, place, and other trends.
For example, in the nineteenth century, the Industrial Revolution and increased immigration meant cities grew exponentially as people migrated from the countryside. Yet despite these changes, the boundaries of many election districts remained the same. People in rural areas — which skew white and conservative — came to exercise outsized influence on election outcomes compared to their urban counterparts. A rural district might contain 250,000 people, while an urban district had 500,000, but both had one representative in Congress.
The Origin of One Person, One Vote
With its 1962 decision in Baker v. Carr, the US Supreme Court established that redistricting questions are justiciable (meaning they are legal questions the courts can resolve rather than political questions left to legislators) under the Equal Protection Clause. Then, the Court’s 1964 decision in Reynolds v. Sims established the “one person, one vote” (OPOV) doctrine, which requires every state legislative district to contain roughly the same number of people. When each representative has the same number of constituents, people are equally represented, and their votes have an equal opportunity to influence policies in their state.
That same year, the Court extended the OPOV doctrine to apply to US Congressional districts in Wesberry v. Sanders. The Court clarified that districts should aim for mathematical equality even though some deviations are constitutionally permissible — especially if a legitimate state policy justifies them.
Yet, while the Court declared the total population of each district should be equal, it did not define “total population” for redistricting purposes; specifically, it did not specify whether the total population should include only registered voters or all people residing in a district. It did not answer these questions: should non-citizen residents, children, or adults who aren’t registered to vote be counted?
There are many reasons to support counting non-voters among the total population. People who do not vote still live within our society, and the laws and policies that govern us impact their lives. Defining “total population” as all persons residing in a district, rather than only US citizens, only registered voters, or only adults (all of which are approaches proposed by some state officials) protects racial and ethnic minorities and children whose interests are already marginalized and gives them a voice in our democracy.
The question of total population’s definition was raised in the 2016 case Evenwel v. Abbott, which challenged the idea that every person, regardless of voter registration status, should have equal representation. Ultimately, the Supreme Court found that states may use their entire population, including non-registered voters, to draw election maps. However, the Court noted that states are not compelled to use this measure and may also use voting age population or the number of registered voters to draw election maps.